by Noor Huda Ismail and Martin Manurung, JakartaOn June 29, the legitimacy of the government of the Republic of Indonesia
was put to the test on its own soil. About 30 unregistered dancers
attended the commemoration of the 14th National Family Day in Ambon,
Maluku, bypassing the very high security procedures provided for the RI-1
(a security code for Indonesia's President). They also subsequently
unfurled the banned separatist flag of the South Maluku Republic (RMS).
The incident has subsequently attracted attention from the international
community. In a recent breakfast meeting organized by the British Chamber
of Commerce, the topic was raised privately by one of the participants.
"If they are armed with a pistol or other improvised devices, they could
easily shoot the President."
Such a small organization like the RMS has apparently won the attention of
the very small Western business players in the country. The reason is very
simple; among others, strong suspicion is directed toward rivalries
between factions within the military, police and the intelligence
institutions. The competition between those institutions is now even more
apparent as they are now blaming each other and distancing themselves from
the problem. Consequently, the media has also been in a frenzy.
The RMS issue actually is just a small issue and it should not be
exaggerated. If this issue received national attention, let alone
international focus, the RMS members would have won this battle for
publicity. What the RMS wants is very clear; the recognition of its
existence.
The internationalization of separatist struggles does not only happen in
Indonesia, a fledging democratic country. Thailand, especially in Yala,
Narathiwat and Pattani, and the Philippines in Mindanao, for example, also
suffer the same problem.
In the western hemisphere, European governments are considered as having
an established government system. Yet, today they are still wrestling with
insurgency problems, though on a very small scale, such as a nationalist
movement in Basque country in Spain or a small insurgency in Corsica
Island in Italy.
Then how is the government expected to react?
First, there is an urgent need to carry out a reform of state
intelligence. A reshuffle alone, as speaker of the House of
Representatives Agung Laksono suggests, will not solve the problem. The
problem is not in the intelligence leadership but in the communication and
coordination between field intelligence and policy makers.
Secondly, rivalry within the intelligence, military and the police must be
managed properly. Factions are common everywhere in the world. Outside
Indonesia, the cause of factions, usually, is ideology. For instance, in
the United States we can clearly see competition between the
neo-conservative and liberal groups in the country's military.
In Indonesia, however, ideology was practically paralyzed when the
Soeharto regime got rid of all existing ideologies, from left to right,
within the military (although the right wing managed to survive and
subsequently emerged and later became known as the "ABRI Hijau"/"Green
ABRI").
Thus, if factions are to exist today, it is most likely caused by
competition between high profile political elites to decrease the
popularity of President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono. Nevertheless, had the
President any notion of this rivalry and managed it, such incident in
Ambon would never have taken place.
Thirdly, the government must find ways to address the grievances of the
people in the provinces of Maluku and North Maluku. It is now the time for
the government to use its "soft power" through dialogues, educational and
cultural approaches to tackle the underlying issues, such as prolonged
economic grievances. Moreover, are they satisfied with their local
leaders? Does the pemekaran (territorial division) make them comfortable?
Lastly, the jihadist world has long been crisis-crossed by endless feuds
and often times rivalries. But if there is one point on which jihadists
have agreed, it is the struggle against the RMS, whom they consider
Christians, especially its leader Alex Manuputty, who currently resides in
the U.S. "Those RMS Christians are flexing their muscles because most of
us are now arrested," one jihadist said in a recent conversation. "But it
would not be a smart idea for us to go to Ambon at the moment," he added.
It is very likely that the incident in Ambon will be exploited by fierce
Islamic preachers to warn their fellow Muslims at Friday praying about
"the perceived" Western support for the "Christianization" that is now
under way. Therefore, the government must not allow this issue to become a
Christians vs Muslims issue.
The use of "soft power" is the only option. The government must invite
legitimate local leaders to solve the RMS issue peacefully. Nevertheless,
"soft power" requires strong leadership, which has been lacking so far.
This is the main issue that the government must meticulously answer.
The writers are consultants at Sekurindo Global Consulting.
Links for the article:The Jakarta Post (non-permanent link), or
Sekurindo's Website (permanent link).
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